Practice, practice, practice! That’s been the advice to young athletes for years but especially in the last decade as the road to 10,000 hours of deliberate practice became the accepted timeline to sports mastery.
Yet many research papers and anecdotal stories point out the many exceptions on both sides of the equation; kids with amazing skills at a young age, overnight teen sensations who just started playing a sport and twenty-somethings who are still trying to make it to the big time despite 10,000+ hours of practice.
If we could just peer into the brains of these budding superstars to see what’s going on when they learn… oh wait, we can! With the help of functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), neuroscience researchers at the Montreal Neurological Institute and Hospital (aka “The Neuro), part of McGill University, recently watched the changes in young adults’ brains after they learned a new task. But they also noticed that a different area of the brain could predict how well each of the students would perform when learning something new.
The 10,000 hour theory has become the American dream for developing athletes. Just work hard enough and your gold medal, Hall of Fame, championship ambitions can come true. It is achievable, measurable and finite. However, many athletes never quite cross the 10,000 hour finish line, and have used the scapegoat reason, “I just didn’t have enough time to commit to the sport.” Now, recent research suggests that while 10,000 hours of deliberate practice may be necessary to achieve world-class status, it may not be the only ingredient to success. Celebrating its 20th anniversary this year, a research paper by Florida State professor K. Anders Ericsson, The Role of Deliberate Practice in the Acquisition of Expert Performance, has been cited in the scientific press over one thousand times earning its own HOF credentials. The gist of it is that Ericsson visited a West Berlin music academy and interviewed violin students and their teachers. First, he asked the students to estimate the number of structured practice hours they had endured up to age 20. Then, he asked their teachers to divide the class into good, better and best thirds. The correlation uncovered showed that the best students had accumulated, on average, over 10,000 hours of practice while the middle group was at about 8,000 hours and the bottom group had not reached 5,000 hours.
After checking this relationship within other groups of skilled experts, Ericsson found similar patterns of 10,000 hours of practice and concluded that innate talent or “what we’re born with” had little to do with becoming an expert in any field, even sports. With that declaration, the dream (and the practice odometer) was launched.
However, since that landmark 1993 paper, other researchers have been finding exceptions to the rule; some experts were crowned with only 3,000 hours of practice while others still had not reached the mountaintop even though they had doubled the 10,000 hour mark.
David Hambrick, associate professor of psychology at Michigan State, has been searching for the other necessary ingredients for several years. In 2011, he and his colleague Elizabeth J. Meinz found that deliberate practice among pianists did account for almost half of the variance between experts and novices. But in their quest to find out what else mattered to make up the other 50% of variance, they found that working memory capacity, the ability to remember a set of objects while engaged in another task, was also a significant determinant of success.
This month, Hambrick and his team released new research that looked at 14 different studies of chess and music students to find other clues to expertise. Again, they were convinced that deliberate practice alone was not enough.
“The evidence is quite clear,” he writes, “that some people do reach an elite level of performance without copious practice, while other people fail to do so despite copious practice.”
Across those chess and music studies, they found that practice explained about one third of the journey to being world class. One new factor that did emerge was starting at a young age. Logically, someone who started training at age 7 versus 12 would have five more years of practice, but Hambrick found that even when total hours of practice were comparable, the student that started at an earlier age became more accomplished. “This evidence suggests that there may be a critical period for acquiring complex skills just as there may be for acquiring language,” he concluded.
Also, overall intelligence did make a difference, at least for these chess and music students. Those students with a higher tested IQ, including working memory capacity, were also more likely to end up being experts.
Finally, grit, a determined attitude to succeed, also played a role in creating success. The term has been made famous by Paul Tough in his book How Children Succeed, based on the research of psychologist Angela Duckworth (see TED talk below). The desire and passion to get better drives the willingness to spend so many hours practicing a skill.
So, what does all of this mean for the aspiring superstar? That practice, as much as possible, is still a necessary evil to getting better at a sport. However, it also confirms that different athletes have different qualities and progress through their journey at different paces. They may need some guidance based on their individual strengths that will help them find the right sport.
“If people are given an accurate assessment of their abilities and the likelihood of achieving certain goals given those abilities,” Hambrick predicted, “they may gravitate toward domains in which they have a realistic chance of becoming an expert through deliberate practice.”
Assuming the Packers’ quarterback does not have
super-human vision or a time machine, these comments must refer to his
ability to recognize opposing defensive formations, adjust quickly to
their movements and pick out an open receiver. It is a skill that all
young players would like to have and their coaches would like to teach.
Of course, the ongoing debate in the sports world is if great
perceptual awareness and quick decision making are gifts you’re born
with or ones you can develop with practice. The extreme ends of that
continuum seem illogical, that a player can excel with no practice or
that anyone who practices enough can be a superstar. Instead, the
discussion has turned to the gray area in between looking for the right
combination and the direction of causation between the two.
At the center of the debate for the last 20 years, Florida State
psychology professor K. Anders Ericsson has held to a theory that enough
deliberate practice, described as a focused activity meant to improve a
specific skill, can make up for or even circumvent the lack of
general, innate abilities. His research has shown that about 10,000
hours of practice is the minimum required to rise to an expert level of
most knowledge domains, including sports.
Now, in a new study published in Current Directions of Psychological Science,
psychologists David Z. Hambrick of Michigan State University and
Elizabeth J. Meinz of Southern Illinois University Edwardsville examined
this interplay between basic abilities, like working memory capacity,
and acquired knowledge learned through practice. “We have been
especially interested in the question of whether various forms of domain
knowledge moderate the impact of basic cognitive abilities on
performance,” the authors wrote.
Working memory is used in complex tasks that require holding
information in the mind while also trying to reason or comprehend the
environment. Think of Rodgers remembering the pass routes of all of
his receivers while processing the movements of eleven defenders around
him.
Hambrick and Meinz wanted to find out if the working memory of
domain experts, like Rodgers, has as much as an impact on their
performance as their years of deliberate practice and learned knowledge
of their specialized world. Previous research has shown that a
person’s working memory capacity is strongly correlated with abstract
reasoning, problem solving, decision making, language comprehension,
and complex learning.
After a great Aaron Rodgers performance, you will usually hear at
least one of two phrases uttered by post-game football analysts, “he
has a great ability to see the field,” or “the game has really slowed
down for him.”
Back in 2002, Professor Hambrick tested this relationship using a baseball domain. Participants were first tested on their overall baseball acumen and then completed a complex-scan task to test their working memory capacity. Complex-scan tests combine information storing with information processing. An example would be reading a series of sentences aloud while also remembering the last word of each sentence.
After the baseline tests, the volunteers listened to radio broadcasts of baseball games and were asked to remember the major events of the game and specific information about the players. As expected, those who had a higher baseball IQ did better on the recall test. However, working memory capacity also had a strong correlation with success. As Hambrick concluded, “Working-memory capacity was as important as a predictor of memory performance at high levels of domain knowledge as it was at low levels.”
In the current study, the domain shifted to piano playing while the results were similar. Fifty-seven pianists with a wide range of lifetime deliberate practice hours, from 260 to over 31,000, were first given a complex-scan test to measure their working memory limits. Then, they were given a musical piece that they had never seen before and asked to play it with no practice, called sight-reading.
As the authors reported, “Not surprisingly, we found that deliberate practice was a powerful predictor of sight-reading performance. In fact, it accounted for nearly 50% of the variance. However, we also found that working-memory capacity was a positive predictor of performance above and beyond deliberate practice.”
So, at least in the case of working memory, an ingrained ability does have some importance alongside the hours of practice. Moreover, deliberate practice that also increases your working memory capacity should yield even better results. Focused training on improving both the storage and processing of information seems to be the key to better performance.
Of course, for most football analysts, saying a quarterback can now “see the field better” is a little easier than saying “activation of domain knowledge by the familiar context did not reduce the effect of working memory capacity on performance.”
The Playmaker’s Decisions
Buy our new book! Available now in ebook, paperback and audiobook
